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JUSTICE for 400 Million MUSLIMS in India

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    JUSTICE for 400 Million MUSLIMS in India

    We all know, that now extremists & radical HINDUS are in control of India.... Today, Govt of India is publically Lying, as India is now a Hindu-Country... There are approx 400 Million MUSLIMS in India(i.e approx 40% in India are MUSLIMS), & less than 1% of MUSLIMS get any professional jobs in any private corporation/business... Also, less than 1% of MUSLIMS get any Govt powerful Jobs in any State or Central-govt in India.......The HINDU Controlled Media in India has very CUNNINGLY Suppressed all these FACTS....In Bollywood, its even Worse, as MUSLIMS are being Brainwashed to worship Statues in Hindu temples....same as being done by Indian govt in villages....
    Also, the Hindu Controlled MEDIA in India is extremely CUNNINGLY suppressing all the Killings/Rapes of MUSLIMS in India....The Hindu controlled Judges in India are NOT giving any Justice to MUSLIMS...
    We DEMAND JUSTICE for 400 Million MUSLIMS in India
    Engr-Arshad Ali Khan, UMMAA-Broadcasting, Rolla, Missouri, USA

    Re: JUSTICE for 400 Million MUSLIMS in India


    Here is an extract from the speech made by Obama a couple of days ago. Just replace Blacks with muslims and see how well it fits the situation in india. This just goes to show that discrimination is the so starkly same, irrespective of where its carried out. To get more details see the now publicly available Sachar committe report to see the gruesome details.
    "Understanding this reality requires a reminder of how we arrived at this point. As William Faulkner once wrote, "The past isn't dead and buried. In fact, it isn't even past." We do not need to recite here the history of racial injustice in this country. But we do need to remind ourselves that so many of the disparities that exist in the African-American community today can be directly traced to inequalities passed on from an earlier generation that suffered under the brutal legacy of slavery and Jim Crow.
    Segregated schools were, and are, inferior schools; we still haven't fixed them, fifty years after Brown v. Board of Education, and the inferior education they provided, then and now, helps explain the pervasive achievement gap between today's black and white students.
    Legalized discrimination - where blacks were prevented, often through violence, from owning property, or loans were not granted to African-American business owners, or black homeowners could not access FHA mortgages, or blacks were excluded from unions, or the police force, or fire departments - meant that black families could not amass any meaningful wealth to bequeath to future generations. That history helps explain the wealth and income gap between black and white, and the concentrated pockets of poverty that persists in so many of today's urban and rural communities.
    A lack of economic opportunity among black men, and the shame and frustration that came from not being able to provide for one's family, contributed to the erosion of black families - a problem that welfare policies for many years may have worsened. And the lack of basic services in so many urban black neighborhoods - parks for kids to play in, police walking the beat, regular garbage pick-up and building code enforcement - all helped create a cycle of violence, blight and neglect that continue to haunt us.
    This is the reality in which Reverend Wright and other African-Americans of his generation grew up. They came of age in the late fifties and early sixties, a time when segregation was still the law of the land and opportunity was systematically constricted. What's remarkable is not how many failed in the face of discrimination, but rather how many men and women overcame the odds; how many were able to make a way out of no way for those like me who would come after them.
    But for all those who scratched and clawed their way to get a piece of the American Dream, there were many who didn't make it - those who were ultimately defeated, in one way or another, by discrimination. That legacy of defeat was passed on to future generations - those young men and increasingly young women who we see standing on street corners or languishing in our prisons, without hope or prospects for the future. Even for those blacks who did make it, questions of race, and racism, continue to define their worldview in fundamental ways. For the men and women of Reverend Wright's generation, the memories of humiliation and doubt and fear have not gone away; nor has the anger and the bitterness of those years. That anger may not get expressed in public, in front of white co-workers or white friends. But it does find voice in the barbershop or around the kitchen table. At times, that anger is exploited by politicians, to gin up votes along racial lines, or to make up for a politician's own failings."
    See the full speech here.


      Re: JUSTICE for 400 Million MUSLIMS in India

      Originally posted by afdal View Post
      We all know, that now extremists & radical HINDUS are in control of India.... Today, Govt of India is publically Lying, as India is now a Hindu-Country... There are approx 400 Million MUSLIMS in India(i.e approx 40% in India are MUSLIMS), & less than 1% of MUSLIMS get any professional jobs in any private corporation/business... Also, less than 1% of MUSLIMS get any Govt powerful Jobs in any State or Central-govt in India.......The HINDU Controlled Media in India has very CUNNINGLY Suppressed all these FACTS....In Bollywood, its even Worse, as MUSLIMS are being Brainwashed to worship Statues in Hindu temples....same as being done by Indian govt in villages....
      Also, the Hindu Controlled MEDIA in India is extremely CUNNINGLY suppressing all the Killings/Rapes of MUSLIMS in India....The Hindu controlled Judges in India are NOT giving any Justice to MUSLIMS...
      We DEMAND JUSTICE for 400 Million MUSLIMS in India
      Engr-Arshad Ali Khan, UMMAA-Broadcasting, Rolla, Missouri, USA
      all governments in india have been concealing the real numbers about muslims .the govt. figures are around 150 million .

      but the most competent authority to know about the real muslim numbers is the All India Muslim personal law board , which claims that there are around 200 million muslims in 2004 .

      so if you claim its twice this number please come out with your facts .
      Please Re-update your Signature


        Re: JUSTICE for 400 Million MUSLIMS in India

        Joint panel proposed to prevent harassment of Indian Muslim youths

        Submitted by Mudassir Rizwan on Tue, 04/22/2008 - 07:16. By IINA,
        New Delhi : Indian Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh has proposed a joint panel consisting of Muslim leaders and top intelligence and security officials to stop the harassment of young Muslims across India in the name of the “fight against terrorism”. He was talking to the leaders of India’s major Islamic organizations, which called on him to intervene to end the harassment of Muslim youths. The delegation consisted of the leaders of the Jamaat-e-Islami, the Jamiat Ulma-e-Hind, the Muslim Personal Law Board (MPLB) and the Muslim Majlis-e-Mushawarat, reported Pak daily newspaper Daily Times. The leaders expressed their concerns on the security of Muslims in India and complained of random arrests and media trials of Muslim youth.
        Muslim Majlis-e-Mushawarat President Dr. Zafarul Islam Khan said the prime minister expressed sympathy towards the delegation members and proposed the joint mechanism.
        However, he was sceptical of the effectiveness of such a panel. Another member of the delegation, Dr. Qasim Rasool Ilyas, said the leaders presented detailed cases of such harassment at the hands of Indian intelligence agencies across the country. He said there were several cases when security agencies had asked the media to conduct media trials to influence the judiciary.
        Dr Ilyas, a spokesman of the Muslim Personal Law Board, said they had asked Singh to stop the “profiling of Muslims” — a project started by the Home Ministry. Something happens somewhere and it is linked to Islam and Muslims. Security agencies immediately arrest Muslim youth, torture them and then try them in the media, which builds up stories against them,” he added. He said the negative image portrayed by the media influenced judiciary. The leaders also said that prejudice against Muslims was growing among police and security agencies.


          Re: JUSTICE for 400 Million MUSLIMS in India

          The 'Dalit Muslims' and the All-India Backward Muslim Morcha

          By Yoginder Sikand

          Qalander, September 2003

          Forming almost a fifth of the Indian population, the Scheduled Castes or the Dalits, a conglomeration of numerous caste groups considered as untouchable, by caste Hindus, are victims of the most sternly hierarchical social order that human beings have ever devised. Since the social and economic oppression of the Dalits has been so closely intertwined with the Hindu religion, over the centuries many Dalits have sought to escape from the shackles of the caste system by converting to other religions. Consequently, a considerable majority of India's Muslims, Buddhists, Christians and Sikhs today consist of descendants of Dalit and other 'low' caste converts.

          Recent decades have witnessed a remarkable upsurge in radical Dalit assertiveness. This resurgence of Dalit consciousness has not been limited to those defined according to the law as Scheduled Castes, though. Rather, the Dalit struggle for human rights has had a profound impact on other communities as well, most particularly the large category of castes, the Other Backward Classes (OBCs), who form over half the Indian population, as well as the Christians and Muslims, most of whom who share, in terms of social and economic background, much in common with the Dalits.This article looks at the growing consciousness and assertiveness of a large conglomerate of Muslim castes, some of whose leaders are now seeking to advance for them a new identity as 'Dalit Muslims'. It examines the politics, programmes and broader agendas that advocates of this new identity seek to put forward on behalf of a large section of India's Muslim population. We deal here with the origins and development of a particular Muslim organisation, the 'All-India Backward Muslim Morcha' [AIBMM] to see how this new identity seeks to position itself in the context of debates over Muslim identity in India as well as how it relates itself to the wider multi-religious Dalit community.

          The 'Dalit Muslims': Who Are They?
          Most Indian Muslims are descendants of ' untouchable and 'low' caste converts, with only a small minority tracing their origins to Arab, Iranian and Central Asian settlers and invaders. Although the Qur'an is fiercely egalitarian in its social ethics, Indian Muslim society is characterised by numerous caste-like features, consisting of several caste-like groups (jatis). Muslims who claim foreign descent claim a superior status for themselves as ashraf or 'noble'. Descendants of indigenous converts are, on the other hand, commonlyreferred to contemptuously as ajlaf or 'base' or 'lowly'. As among the Hindus, the various jatis among the ajlaf Muslims maintain a strong sense of jati identity. The emergence of democratic politics is, however, bringing about a radical change in the manner in which this sense of identity is articulated. Aware of the importance of numbers in order to acquire political power and the economic benefits that accrue from it, the Dalit movement has sought to establish a wider sense of Dalit identity that transcends inter-caste and inter-religious divisions and differences among the `lower' caste majority.
          This wider Dalit identity does not seek to deny individual jati identities. Rather, it takes them into account but seeks to subsume them within the wider collective Dalit identity, based on a common history of suffering as well as common racial origins as indigenous people. This seems to have been a crucial factor in the emergence of a specific 'Dalit Muslim' identity that the AIBMM seeks to articulate. 'Lower' caste Muslim ideologues and activists in the AIBMM are now in the process of fashioning a new 'Dalit Muslim' identity, seeking to bring all the 'lower' caste Muslims under one umbrella, defined by their common identity as Muslim as well as Dalit.

          The All-India Backward Muslim Morcha:
          The AIBMM was set up in 1994 by Ejaz Ali, a young Muslim medical doctor from Patna, capital of the eastern state of Bihar, belonging to the Kunjera caste of Muslim vegetable-sellers. Bihar, India's poorest state, is notorious for its acute caste problem and for its >frequent anti-Dalit pogroms. Consequently, the Dalits in Bihar have been among the first to take to militant forms of struggle. The Muslims of Bihar, who form over fifteen per cent of the state's population, are also characterised by sharp caste divisions. The plight of Bihar's Dalit Muslims, whom the AIBMM estimates at forming almost ninety per cent of the state's Muslim population and consisting of twenty-nine different caste groups, is particularly pathetic. Most Bihari Dalit Muslims work as daily wage labourers, manual workers, artisans and petty peasants, barely managing to eke out an existence.
          According to Ali, the plight of the overwhelming majority of the Muslims of Bihar, as well as an acute awareness of the limitations of the traditional Muslim leadership, suggested to him the need for the establishment of the AIBMM to struggle for the rights of the Dalit Muslims. He regards the destruction of the Babri mosque at Ayodhya in 1992 as a landmark event in this regard, seeing the traditional, and largely 'upper' caste, Muslim leadership as having only further complicated matters by playing into the hands of Hindu militants and as 'misleading' the Muslim masses for their own petty gains.

          In less than a decade of its founding, by early 2001 the AIBMM had emerged as an umbrella group of over forty organisations claiming to represent various different Dalit Muslim castes. It now has branches in the states of Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, West Bengal, Delhi, Rajasthan and Maharashtra, in addition to Bihar, where it has its headquarters.

          Aims and Objectives of the AIBMM:
          The foremost priority for the AIBMM is to get recognition from the Indian state for the over 100 million 'Dalit Muslims' as Scheduled Castes so that they can avail of the same benefits that the Hindu, Sikh and Buddhist Scheduled castes enjoy, including reserved government jobs, reserved seats in state legislatures and in the Indian Parliament, special courts to try cases of atrocities against them as well as social and economic development programmes meant specially for them. According to Indian law as it stands at present, only those Dalits who claim to be Hindus, Sikhs and Buddhists can be considered to be members of the Scheduled Castes and thereby eligible for the special benefits that the state has made available to these castes. The AIBMM sees this as violating the basic secular character of the Indian Constitution. It insists that its demand for Scheduled Caste status for 'Dalit Muslims' is fully in consonance with the spirit of the Indian Constitution. Recognising the fact that demands >for special legal status for Muslims have been viewed in the past as 'separatist' and 'anti-national' and even `pro-Pakistan', the AIBMM is careful to project its demands as aimed at integrating the 'Dalit Muslim' into the 'national mainstream' by enabling them to progress economically and socially, along with other deprived sections of the Indian population. Besides being considered 'anti-secular', the law as it stands today is also condemned by the AIBMM as a gross violation of human rights. Furthermore,it is seen as a ploy to keep the more than one hundred million Dalit Muslims in perpetual thraldom, a conspiracy in which both the Hindu as well as Muslim 'upper' caste elite are seen as being involved. Because they have been denied Scheduled Caste status and the benefits that accrue from such status, the Dalit Muslims are said to lag far behind the Hindu Dalits, who have been able to make considerable progress in all fields because of the special facilities that the state has provided for them.

          A New Indian Muslim Leadership and Changing Discourse of Community Identity:
          The AIBMM prides itself in having coined the term 'Dalit Muslims', and in this it seeks to radically refashion notions of Muslim community identity. Deconstructing the notion of Muslims as a homogenous bloc, it brings to the fore the existence of caste distinctions among the Indian Muslims, which it sees as one of the primary and defining features of Indian Muslim society.

          In articulating a separate Dalit Muslim identity it finds itself at odds with the traditional, largely 'high' caste Muslim leadership, which, in seeking to speak for all Muslims, sees the question of caste that the AIBMM so stridently stresses as divisive. Leading Muslim spokesmen have, not surprisingly, accused the AIBMM of seeking to create divisions within the Muslim community and of spreading 'casteism', and thus playing into the hands of militant Hindus.Ali sees as Islam as having historically played a key role in the emancipation of the Dalits, a role which, he says, was gradually watered down over time. Islam spread in India principally through the agency of the Sufis, he says, whose teachings of love and social equality attracted many Dalits to the new faith, shackled as they were by the chains of the caste system and the Brahminical religion.
          It was not by the sword but through the love and compassion that the Sufis exhibited in their behaviour towards the poor, principally the Dalits, that large numbers of Hindus converted to Islam. With the establishment of Muslim political power in various parts of India, however, he says, this radical egalitarianism of the early Sufis gave way to more institutionalised forms of religious expression. 'High' caste Hindus, in order to save their properties or to secure high positions in Muslim-ruled territories, converted to Islam, bringing with them notions of caste superiority that are foreign to pristine Islam. Doctrines were developed that sought to legitimise caste inequalities by suitably misinterpreting the Qur'an. Gradually, he says, the 'spirit of Islam' was replaced by the 'rituals of Islam'.

          One of the crucial tasks before the Dalit Muslims, as Ali sees it, is to rescue Islam from the clutches of those who claim to speak in its name, the 'high' caste Muslim leadership. Thus, he calls for a revival of 'the true spirit of Islam', which fiercely condemns all caste and racial divisions. The practice of untouchability, which Islam roundly condemns, is still observed, Ali notes, to varying degrees, by 'upper' caste Muslims, who look down upon 'lower' caste Muslims as inherently inferior. While Islam calls for Muslims to share in the plight of their fellow believers and to work for their social emancipation, the Muslim 'upper caste feudal lords' are said to be 'deaf, dumb and blind to the suffering of backward Muslims'.
          Ali is bitterly critical of the traditional, largely 'high' caste, Muslim leadership, both `ulama as well as 'lay'. Over the centuries of Muslim rule, he says, the ruling class among the Muslims displayed little concern for the plight of the Dalit Muslims, who remained tied down to their traditional occupations, mired in poverty and ignorance. The only concern of the ruling class Muslims, he writes, was to perpetuate their own rule, and for this they entered into alliances with 'upper' caste Hindus, keeping the Dalits, both Hindus as well as Muslims, cruelly suppressed under their firm control. This disdain for the Dalits, he writes, carried down right through the period of Muslim rule, and continues till this very day. He accuses the present-day Muslim 'high' caste leadership of playing the 'minority card' and practising the politics of 'minorityism' to garner power for themselves while claiming to speak on behalf of all Muslims, the vast majority of whom are Dalits. They, he says, refuse to recognise the acute problem of caste within the community because 'they do not want to lose their jagirdari (power and privileges)'. Yet, the cling to their exalted caste titles simply to 'produce an impression of supremacy and to demoralise the backward caste Muslims'. In their attitudes towards the latter they are said to be hardly different from the way Hindu 'upper' castes treat their own Dalits. He sees the Indian Muslim community as a whole as having 'all the ingredients of the Brahminical order'. The 'upper caste' Muslim leadership, he argues, thrives on championing such 'communal' 'non-issues' as the protection of the Muslim Personal Law or the Babri mosque, which have only helped militant Hindu 'upper' caste forces, resulting in terrible violence unleashed against Muslims and communal riots in which the major victims are the Dalits, both Hindu as well as Muslim. 'The time has now come', he declares, for the 'upper' caste Muslims to 'stop thinking of the entire Muslim community as they have been clearly reduced to their [own] caste leadership, which they were doing from the very beginning (sic.) under the pseudo-umbrella of Muslim unity'.

          Given the stress that Islam places on radical social equality, on the one hand, and what he sees as the failure of the traditional Muslim leadership in championing the rights and interests of the backward caste Muslims, on the other, Ali calls for a 'power shift' from the 'Arab-origin ashraf' to the 'oppressed Muslims'. Denying that his struggle is aimed against the `upper' caste Muslims, he says that it is directed principally at the government, to force it to grant Scheduled Caste status to the Dalit Muslims. A new, Dalit Muslim leadership is called for, for it alone is seen as able to champion the rights of the oppressed among the Muslims. By taking up the interests of the Dalit Muslims, he argues, the AIBMM is not seeking to divide the Muslim community on caste lines, as some have accused him of doing. Rather, he says, championing the cause of the oppressed is what Islam itself calls for, a radical concern for the poor and the weak, which 'is repeatedly stressed in the Holy Qur'an and in the Hadith'. The Prophet Muhammad's early followers, he notes, were largely poor and dispossessed people, and because he spoke out on their behalf, he was fiercely opposed by the rich Quraish of Mecca.
          Islam, he says, insists on a passionate commitment to the poor. Hence the accusations against the AIBMM of allegedly dividing the Muslims by taking up the cause of the poor Muslims alone are dismissed as baseless. If special facilities were to be provided by the state to the Dalit Muslims, they would, he argues, be able to advance economically and socially. As a result, inter-marriages between them and the 'upper' caste Muslims would increase, and gradually the caste system within the Muslim community would begin to disintegrate, this being seen as working towards the fulfilment of Islam's vision of a casteless society. By denying the existence of caste within the Muslim community, he says, the traditional Muslim leadership is only helping to perpetuate it.
          Ali calls for a struggle to be waged to fight for extending Scheduled Caste status to Dalit Muslims, and in this the Dalit Muslims would join hands with non-Muslim secular and progressive forces, in the face of the stiff opposition that is expected from many 'upper' caste Muslims as well as 'upper' caste Hindus. The struggle would need the help of non-Muslim Dalits as well, for if the Dalit Muslims gain Scheduled Caste status, they could join hands with Dalits from other religions and become one strong force, almost half the Indian population. They could, together, even capture political power, bring their interests and demands to the centre of the Indian political agenda and put an end to atrocities against them. Ali sees the new Muslim leadership that he envisages as being drawn primarily from among the 'backward' Muslims, who form the vast majority of the Muslim population in India, for they alone can truly speak for their people. Since the primary concerns of the backward caste Muslims are sheer physical survival, jobs, wages and the like, this new leadership would seek to bring about a 'revolution of priorities'. Instead of taking up 'communal' issues that would further exacerbate Hindu-Muslim differences by playing into the hands of fiercely anti-Muslim Hindu zealots, which only works to further their interests of the Hindu and Muslim elites, this new leadership would focus onissues such as 'employment, food, housing and elementary education', issues which affect the daily lives of all poor people irrespective of religion. In this way, Hindu-Muslim antagonisms would fade away, the Dalits of all religions, the primary victims of the politics of communal hatred, would unite, and the conditions of the poor would improve.

          Since the Dalit Muslims share similar concerns of sheer survival with Dalits of other religions, this new Muslim leadership would seek to build bridges between the Muslim Dalits and those of other faiths. All Dalits, irrespective of religion, belong to the same 'nation' (qaum), Ali says. Mere change of religion cannot wipe away the common blood that runs in their veins. The Dalit 'nation', representing the indigenous inhabitants of India who today follow various different religions, has been fractured into various antagonistic groups, but they must be united. The 'divided Dalit nation', he writes, will be united once again when all Dalits, irrespective of religion, are granted the same status as Scheduled Castes.

          Hence, in order to re-unify the Dalit 'nation' so that the Dalits emerge as a powerful collective force, all Dalits must unite to support the AIBMM's demand for Scheduled Caste status to the Dalit Muslims (as well, interestingly, to the Dalit Christians, who, too, are denied such status). By joining hands with Dalits of other faiths and jointly struggling to improve their living conditions, Ali writes, the Dalit Muslims would be able to join the `national mainstream' of Indian society. With a new Muslim leadership coming to the fore drawn from the Dalit Muslims, the community would turn its back to the communal antagonisms of the past rooted in a long tradition of exclusivism and separatism. The Dalit Muslims would begin to collaborate with other Dalits, with whom they have 'a great commonality of interests', pursuing the same occupations and facing the same economic and social problems. In this way, a joint struggle for social justice and inter-communal harmony can be launched for all Dalits, irrespective of religion.

          Demanding Scheduled Caste status for the Dalit Muslims may, in itself, not be a very radical step, given the present climate of privitisation in the country, where government jobs are being sharply curtailed and public expenditure and subsidies drastically reduced. However, its wider implications are certainly more momentous in their probable consequences. The demands of the AIBMM, limited as they may well be, might actually help facilitate a radical shift in the very terms of Muslim political discourse. Its stress on secularism and human rights, which it sees as being grossly violated by the present law related to Scheduled Caste status, its call for 'integration' of the Muslims into the 'national mainstream', its radical disavowal of communal politics, and its appeal for building bridges and working in collaboration with other Dalits in order to reunify the 'Dalit nation' and working for inter-communal harmony, might well provide a key to what has so far seemed the intractable communal problem in India.


            Re: JUSTICE for 400 Million MUSLIMS in India



              Re: JUSTICE for 400 Million MUSLIMS in India

              By staff reporter,
              Katihar: National general secretary of Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) and Member of Parliament Tariq Anwar has welcomed the central government directive to all states to appoint at least one Muslim inspector in each police station.
              Talking to pressmen, Anwar said the directive, given in the light of the Sachar Committee recommendations, to appoint Muslim police inspectors and increase Muslim staff in teaching institutions, health department and banks is a welcome move.
              Mr. Tariq Anwar said the picture of Muslims depicted in Sachar Committee report was very depressing. In spite of being the largest minority of the country, they are not only lagging in educational and economic fields but their employment ratio is also very low.
              He demanded Nitish Kumar-led JDU-BJP government in Bihar to follow the instructions given by the union government.


                Re: JUSTICE for 400 Million MUSLIMS in India

                Raver communal riot: A sequence of events

                Submitted by Tarique on Tue, 04/22/2008 - 18:56. By Abdur Rauf Sheikh,
                Date: 13th April 2008. Time: Evening; people are gathering for Maghrib prayer at a mosque in Kotwal locality in Raver (Jalgaon). Timing may be a coincident or planned. A Ramnavmi procession goes past the mosque. Silently? No. The processionists raise volume of their audio system which plays slogans like 'mandir wahin banayenge' (we will build the temple there). Then they throw gulal (colours) incessantly and deliberately towards the mosque. This all culminated into what is everybody's guess. A communal riot.
                Some local BJP MLAs are believed to have been mastermind behind what happened that day in Raver, a small town of Maharashtra. They have given fiery and hateful speeches in the past and have always tried to disturb communal harmony in the area.
                It is believed that with the blessings of these MLAs, some extremist Hindu organizations like VHP and Bajrang Dal took out the Ramnavmi procession in the area. This was first time that such a procession was taken out in the area. There has been a tradition to hold local peace committee meeting before taking out any religious processions. But this time no such meeting was called. Moreover, police inspector from the local police station was also on leave.
                When the procession reached the Kotwal Masjid and began throwing gulal at it, some social activists complained to the police. The police said the processionists cannot be kept from what they are doing. Muslims were informed that police will clean the mosque later. It was time for Maghrib prayer. Prayer call was about to be given. Muslims were gathering in the mosque to offer prayer. Rather than showing some sanity, the processionists raised the volume of their audio system. This led to heated argument between Muslims and some processionists. Soon the two groups began stone pelting which deteriorated the situation and a full-fledged communal riot broke out.
                To disperse the mob, police fired in the air but as they were outnumbered by the processionists, the situation could not be controlled. Several houses were kept on fire. A medical store was ransacked and looted. Several Muslim houses were broken into and valuables were looted. Some Hindu houses were also burnt. But soon police forces were called in and the situation was brought under control. A businessman named Yonus Khan was brutally beaten by some Hindus. They threw acid on his body. He was rushed to hospital but after fighting for life for four days he succumbed to injuries on 17th April.
                After bringing the situation under control, the police made arrests. They made several arrests from the Muslim community though some Hindu miscreants were also arrested. Whether the police will be able to bring to book the real culprits or like past communal riots this too will be forgotten and buried is yet to be seen.
                __________________________________________________ __________________________
                Abdul Rauf Shaikh is secretary of Jamaat-e-Islami Hind's social service department for Maharashtra.


                  Re: JUSTICE for 400 Million MUSLIMS in India

                  Origin of Muslims in India

                  Posted April 21st, 2008 by Tarique Anwar

                  By M. Burhanuddin Qasmi,
                  We have one of the oldest and India's first masjid called the Cheraman Jama Masjid exists at Kodungaloor in Kerala. As inscribed on the masjid's stone-plate, (where this writer has been after the historic Tsunami in 2004), it was built about 1400 years ago in 9 Hijra or 629 CE). Kodungaloor was the capital of the kings of Kerala, and in 622-628 CE (Hijra 2 to 9) the ruler was a great savant, by the name of Cheraman Perumal Bhaskara Ravi Varma. In those days, the seniormost of the rulers of Kerala was called as Cheraman Perumal.
                  According to some historians, Malik bin Deenar and 12 of his trade associates landed in Kerala and were engaged in the trade. Their way of trading however was distinctly different from that of earlier Arabs which attracted people beyond mere business relationships.
                  The King came to know of the surprising trade practices of these Arabs and had them brought to his palace to delve more deeply into their trade practices. On enquiry, Malik bin Deenar (some say a companion of the Prophet Muhammad (saws)) and his comrades related the reason for their honest trade practices to be their recent conversion to Islam.
                  Cheraman Perumal asked them what was that Islam which could so radically influenced the character and conduct of Arab thugs. The Arabs then described the tenets of Islam to him and talked about their Prophet Muhammad (saws). The King then wanted to know if there was any proof that the person they described was indeed a Prophet. The traders described the Mujizaat (miracles) of the Prophet, including the Shaqq Al-Qamar or the splitting of the moon into two.
                  The King then summoned his Astrologers who consulted their almanacs and reported a similar phenomenon recorded by them. The King forthwith abdicated his throne and left with Malik bin Deenar for Arabia where it is chronicled that he met the Prophet Muhammad (saws), accepted Islam and performed the famous Last Hajj (Hajjatul Wada) with him. On his journey back, he was drowned in a tempest which destroyed his ship and his body came ashore at Salalah, Oman where his grave is a famous landmark even today.
                  A historian Hamidullah writes in “Mohammad Rasoolulla”, quoting some old manuscripts from India Office Library (ref no. Arabic, 2607, 152-173) Vol.16 (06): “There is a very old tradition in Malabar, southwest coast of India, that Chakrawati Farmas (perhaps another name for Cheraman Perumal) one of their kings, had observed splitting of the moon, the celebrated miracle of the last Prophet at Makkah, and learning on inquiry that this was a symbol of the coming of a Messenger of God from Arabia, he appointed his nephew as regent and set out to meet him. The love for the Prophet grew in his heart and he became the earliest Muslim convert of present day India.”
                  A tradition of the Prophet (saws) has also been reported from one of the companions, Abu Saeed Al-Khudri (ra), regarding the arrival of Cheraman Perumal “a king from India presented the Messenger of Allah with a bottle of pickle that had ginger in it. The Prophet (saws) distributed it among his companions. I also received a piece to eat.” It is said that, after conversion, the Perumal took the name of Tajuddin, while other chroniclers say that he called himself as Abdullah Samudri, in remembrance of his past.
                  One Islamic scholar has written that Perumal’s followers built the mosque after reaching Kerala. “The Cheraman Jama Masjid was built by Malik bin Deenar, (one of the 13 followers of Prophet Mohammad), who reached the ancient port of Musuris on the spice route to Malabar in 629 CE.
                  As such this Masjid was one designed and constructed on the architectural principles of Hindu art. It is situated in the Mrthala village of Kodungaloor, hardly 20km from the Irinjalakuda railway station in Kerala. There are two tombs that of Malik bin Deenar and his sister in the masjid premises. Until 1984, the Cherman Perumal masjid retained its facade as a typical Kerala structure. In 1984, the local Muslim jamaat, which repaired the building, decided that the new structure should be more like an Islamic shrine with minarets.
                  While retaining the inner configuration of the edifice, the exterior was changed completely. One member of the Indian National Trust for Art and Cultural Heritage reportedly said that 'in 1984 the trust was formed to protect Indian heritage, from such radical alterations. But by 1984, the masjid had been given a new exterior. Otherwise the trust would have appealed and ensured that the 1400-year-old facade of the structure (although repaired many times) was kept in its pristine grandeur.
                  Having done the entire historical scrutiny one thing is certain that Muhammad bin Qasim or Mahmood Goznawi were not the originator of Islamic faith in India but they were only some of the Muslim rulers associated with the rise of Islamic governing system in India.
                  __________________________________________________ ___________________________
                  M. Burhanuddin Qasmi is editor Eastern Crescent and director of Mumbai based Markazul Ma'arif Education and Research Centre. He can be contacted at [email protected])


                    Re: JUSTICE for 400 Million MUSLIMS in India

                    all governments in india have been concealing the real numbers about muslims .the govt. figures are around 150 million .

                    but the most competent authority to know about the real muslim numbers is the All India Muslim personal law board , which claims that there are around 200 million muslims in 2004 .

                    so if you claim its twice this number please come out with your facts .


                      Re: JUSTICE for 400 Million MUSLIMS in India

                      Bangalore: India never, ever had any “freedom of press”. How can there be any freedom when the media is owned by the Banias and run by Brahmins? Our April 1, 2008 Editorial had explained this point. (“Media monopoly helps upper caste rule by suppressing truth”).
                      So we are not surprised by the dismissal of M.J. Akbar as editor of the Asian Age and Sister Seema Mustafa, his firebrand Deputy, by its owner T. Subba Rami Reddy, an Andhra Pradesh Reddy tycoon. They were dismissed for opposing the Indo-US nuclear deal, the pet project of the Khatri PM, an American stooge, and India’s Brahminical rulers. When the entire Manuwadi media was blindly campaigning for the deal, Akbar and his deputy had the courage to boldly oppose it — finally facing dismissal.
                      Worms called journalists: Not a single journalist protested because they belonged to a special variety of worms which when asked to merely bend straight away prostrated.
                      The ruling Brahminical micro-minority is converting day into night and vice versa only with the help of this gutter media which has lost all credibility. Thank god, it is dying one by one.
                      The rulers will do what they want to do but who asked the slaves to tolerate the muck they write in their toilet papers?


                        Re: JUSTICE for 400 Million MUSLIMS in India

                        Gujarat Muslim POTA Detainees: Is Anyone Listening? Does Anyone Care?
                        By A Staff Writer

                        40 year-old Kamal Jahan Shaikh has been running from pillar to post in search of justice since mid-2003, when her nephew, Muhammad Parvez, was picked up in Ahmedabad by the Gujarat police and booked under the draconian POTA law. Yet, justice still eludes her, as it does, literally several thousand fellow Gujarati Muslims whose relatives have been arbitrarily arrested under POTA.
                        Parvez used to work for a company manufacturing water purifiers and was arrested by the police on his way to work. ‘They were in plain clothes and did not show any identity card’, Kamal relates. His family was told that he would be released in two hours, although more than five years have now lapsed without any sign of his release. He was charged with being involved in a number of cases, including in the murder of Haren Pandya, the former Gujarat Home Minister, and the ‘Tiffin Bomb’ case. Kamal, however, insists he was innocent. ‘He helped out in the relief camps in Ahmedabad in the wake of the anti-Muslim violence in 2002’, she explains, surmising that this might have been one reason for his arrest.
                        Parvez’s arrest has meant untold suffering for his family. ‘Our own relatives boycotted us, fearing that otherwise they, too, might be targetted’, Kamal tells me. She sees a larger design behind the arrest of her nephew and numerous other Muslim boys from her locality of Kalupur in Ahmedabad. ‘Modi wants to ensure that Muslims do not progress, that they do not get education and jobs, so that they have no future at all’, she insists.
                        Yasmeen Bano Shaikh, 37, is a mother of four. Her husband, Muhammad Hanif, used to eke out a living by stitching bags in his house in Ahmedabad’s largely Muslim Dariapur ghetto. The police alleged that the house was used to plot a bomb blast, without evidence, and he was arrested in mid-2003. ‘They took him away at 2:30 a.m., telling my mother-in-law that they would bring him back after half an hour’, says Yasmeen. She now struggles to maintain her family by making zippers for bags.
                        Anas Matchwala, 30, is the younger brother of Muhammad Uwais Matchwala. He used to sell belts for a living. In jail for the last four years, he has been sentenced to 10 years imprisonment in the ‘Tiffin Bomb’ case and 14 years in the Haren Pandya murder case, although Uwais insists he is innocent.
                        ‘Even Vithalbhai Pandya, father of the slain Haren Pandya, also agrees that my son had nothing to do with Haren’s death and says that it was plotted by Modi himself’, says Uwais.
                        Uwais describes, in gruesome detail, the torture that Anas is said to have been subjected to in police custody and the threats that his family has also received. Anas is said to have been forced to sign blank papers. He was allegedly told that if he failed to sign them, his 70 year old father, who has already suffered three heart attacks, would receive the same brutal treatment.
                        Scores of other Muslim youth languishing in Gujarat’s jails and their hapless relatives have the same pathetic story to tell. Few of them can afford the prohibitive costs of hiring a lawyer to fight their cases. And then, the question is, besides them, is anyone listening? Does anyone else care?


                          Re: JUSTICE for 400 Million MUSLIMS in India

                          Bangalore Techie Files Defamation Suit Against TOI

                          K. M. Shariff, a prominent information technology professional from the city has filed a defamation suit against The Times of India for publishing a libelous report against him. The report carried in the February 28 edition of the paper from Bangalore while linking Muslim Information Technologists Association (MITA) with radical activism, had alleged that the Police were looking for Mr. Shariff, describing him as an active MITA member. The report carried the byline of Mr. N. D. Shivakumar. Mr. Shariff, who was earlier vice president of Sun Microsystem and had been associated with several leading IT companies in the past, is also a noted social worker and runs several welfare institutions in the city. He currently runs an IT firm called Icalibrator from Bangalore.
                          The tendentious report had quoted police sources for casting aspersions about the activities of the organization without bothering to directly contact Mr. Shariff who was available in the city. The report had appeared amid a slew of such reports branding several accused or suspects as terrorists in the wake of arrests of some students from Hubli.
                          The scurrilous report about Mr. Shariff appeared in the February 28, edition of the TOI. A day later, Mr. Shariff held a press conference in the Bangalore Press Club and issued a rebuttal against the TOI report. He said MITA was no secretive body and operated openly imparting technical training to IT professionals. He said it also sponsored children for education in schools, and held courses in various aspects of IT for corporates. He said IT professionals like Subroto Bagchi of the MindTree and others had addressed the workshops of the MITA. He expressed surprise at the TOI report which ascribed training of radicals to the MITA. With him were seated Mr. Ananth Kansal, Chief Operating Officer and Mr. Rajendra Kumar Khare, chairman and managing director of the Indus Edge Innovation and B. R. Seetharaman, Director, Synopsis India Private Limited. Mr. Khare also spoke at the press conference and described Mr. Shariff as a highly patriotic person. He said MITA had been encouraging the Muslim youth to upgrade themselves technically and the TOI report was highly damaging for the otherwise fair reputation of Mr. Shariff. He said the appearance of the report at a time when terror reports provide daily diet to newspapers, people would be susceptible to believing such allegation. The duo, classmates of Mr. Shariff from college days, said there was no iota of doubt about Mr. Shariff engaging himself in any such activity as alleged by the irresponsible report in the daily known for its fair reporting.
                          Khare clarified that MITA was not an underground body, but was a body of professionals which was working hard to help the industry. He appealed to the media community to desist from publishing unfounded and scurrilous reports.
                          However, the TOI only carried a two-line report in a subsequent issue saying the MITA had denied link with terror. It neither published an apology nor a retraction.
                          Following refusal to publish an apology by the TOI, Mr. Shariff sent a notice to the daily demanding a compensation of Rs. 5 crore from the daily and filed a defamatory suit under sections 499, 500, 501, and 502 for libel.


                            Re: JUSTICE for 400 Million MUSLIMS in India

                            A Saga of Struggle

                            I hail from a village called Maholi in Mewat and was born in 1962. My parents Were not educated, but were aware about education. My mother is from Rajasthan. My grandfather (nana) was a revenue collector. During the Partition in 1947, a few of my relatives went away to Pakistan. Some of the Punjabis who arrived here from Pakistan began to live in the premises where we lived in a haveli. I lived with my parents, three sisters and one brother. My eldest sister completed matriculation in 1976. My mother sent my brother to school. The migrant family from Pakistan in our haveli would send even their girl children to school. My mother was impressed and decided that why cannot my girls also study. My father was a small time farmer and sold buffalo milk to cover the expenses of the school fees of my elder sister, my brother and then me. So, school was a struggle as my parents had to make both ends meet. But by God’s grace I completed matriculation and joined the Government College in Nagina where the medium of education was Hindi. Of course, there was opposition to my education from the menfolk within the family circle. It was the Principal of the Nagina College who came home and convinced my father that how important it was for me to do my graduation. In fact the Principal cleared my fees dues too! As I had scored well in the matriculation, I received a scholarship and in 1979, I got admission into the Government College at Nagina and completed graduation in 1983. Meanwhile two Bal Bhavans were opened in Mewat. I joined one of them as a teacher for one year.
                            I got married to Bashir Ahmed in 1984. My husband was in the army in the Electronics Wing in Secunderabad. I had this intense desire to make him an engineer! I told him point blank that he had to acquire an engineering degree which would help him in future. He agreed and took up a course from Delhi.
                            My thirst for knowledge was not quenched. I wished to pursue my post-graduation in history and enrolled at the Jamia Millia Islamia in Delhi. I lived in the hostel during the course. In 1987, I did a course in Library Science from Sonepat and B. Ed and then M. Ed. In the Mewat school, there was a post of a librarian and I worked here for some time. There was a sudden spurt of projects here in Mewat around 1996-97. While most were on agricultural development, there was one on women empowerment which interested me. I got associated with the project from the International Fund for Agricultural Development which got over by 2005.
                            Currently, the Mewat Development Agency in Nuh has taken me as a field coordinator. This involves interacting with self-help groups , women’s groups and many NGOs. My aim is to see that people in Mewat pay attention to education, especially girls education, women should have their own self-help groups and that Mewat sheds its image of a backward region. There is a lot of potential among the Meos to pursue education. All it takes is for the older generation to think afresh about the future of the younger generation and allow the children to pursue studies.
                            My husband is currently with the Haryana Electricity Board after taking voluntary retirement from the army. While my elder daughter has completed plus 2 and is pursuing medicine in Kota while staying in a hostel there, my second daughter is in the 8th standard. Two sons are studying in the 7th and 5th standard. My dream is that my children too should complete education and work in Mewat for the development of the place and the people. I run an NGO- the Mewat Mahila Balvikas Sanstha which is a vocational centre for women, offering training in embroidery, tailoring and even Hindi language guidance.
                            It has been a long struggle for me to convince people about why women should seek education. Narrow-minded men and the society had to be told that education is not a matter of acquiring degrees, but it has to be used for the upliftment of the society too. Today when I drive my scooter through the roads of Mewat, I do not find eyes popping out or people staring at me. They are getting used to the fact that times are changing . I am a Meo woman, I have my Islamic traditions intact. My education has not come in the way of my Islamic style of life.
                            As told to Nigar Ataulla



                              Re: JUSTICE for 400 Million MUSLIMS in India

                              Bangalore: When it comes to the offences committed by the upper castes (Hindus), our judiciary and all other wings of society including the media, are so soft. So kind. Not only that. The crimes they commit are treated as “economic offence” and given very light punishment —but many times simply let off with a minor rap. Here is a striking case of the Hindu double-standards when it comes to the notorious Bania share broker:
                              Bombay: Sixteen years after they siphoned off public funds to the tune of Rs. 47 crore to invest in shares, a special court on April 1 sentenced four prominent city brokers, including Ketan Parekh and Hiten Dalal, to one year in jail. “Had he (Parekh) been convicted and sentenced earlier, he would not have committed other offences”, observed Justice V.K. Kanade, who is heading the special court (for trial of offences relating to transactions under the Securities Act). The judge held them guilty of criminal conspiracy, misappropriation of funds and cheating.
                              The court, extended the bail of the accused and suspended the sentence till July 31, to enable them to file appeal in the SC. The other brokers who were sentenced to one year imprisonment along with Parekh are Pallav Seth and Shrenik Jhaveri. (Times of India, April 2, 2008).
                              But look how harshly the Dalits, Tribals and Muslim are tackled. SC/STs already reduced to skeletons fighting for human rights, are gunned down calling them naxalites, maoists. Our Khatri Sikh PM says the maoists are the No.1 threat to India. Muslims are called terrorists, arrested, pictures published on front pages, and lobbed in the jail to rot there life long.
                              The Hindus have their own law, the law of Manu. They are not governed by the constitution of India. The Supreme court is no exception. Yet our people are not getting angry.