Iraq Documentries

[Al Afghani]

The Death Squads

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Night after night death squads rampage through Iraq killing civilians. 'The Death Squads', the last film of the Iraq season, reveals that these organised killings are linked to politicians who want to turn Iraq into a Shia state aligned to Iran.
Dispatches: Tuesday 07 November 2006

The torture and slaughter of Iraqi civilians is reaching unprecedented heights with estimates of up to 655,000 dead.

Night after night death squads rampage through Iraq's main cities. In Baghdad, up to a hundred bodies a day are dumped on the streets. Often they've been tortured with electric drills. Yet those doing the killing have little to do with al Qaeda or Sunni insurgents. The majority of the killings are carried out by Shia death squads who want to turn Iraq into a Shia state aligned to Iran.

This shocking film investigates the links between the death squads and high-ranking Shia politicians. It reveals how the Shia militia that these politicians control have systematically infiltrated and taken over police units and even entire government ministeries. It investigates how these units are closely linked to the death squads, indeed they often are the death squads. And the killers act with impunity -- there's little investigation into their activities.

http://channel4.com/news/dispatches/article.jsp?id=484

[Al Afghani]

The Lost Generation- Iraq- Channel 4

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The first film in this week's Dispatches 'Iraq: Legacy of Hate' season gives voice to the hidden world of Iraqi youth who have experienced first-hand the brutalisation and psychological trauma of living under military occupation.

When the US-led invasion of Iraq promised to replace Saddam Hussein's brutal regime with freedom and democracy, nearly half of the country's population was under 21.

'Iraq: The Lost Generation' opens a window onto the hidden world of Iraqi youth, revealing the brutalisation and psychological trauma of living under military occupation. It reveals how the people with whom the future of Iraq rests, are reacting with anger, aggression and, in some cases, violence.

Operating at great personal risk, a local Iraqi journalist and crew travelled widely throughout the country, outside the safety of the green zone, to document the lives of a range of young people whose hopes and dreams have been shattered by the occupation. This film highlights how the radicalisation of a generation has taken place -- it's not just the Americans who are the only enemy now there is civil war in Iraq.

We meet, amongst others, 19 year-old Haydar, who lost his right leg after being shot by an American patrol, which had been ambushed. His sister, whose husband is bodyguard to a powerful Shia militia leader, proclaims she would be willing to die for her country. Muhammad, a newly qualified doctor and soon-to-be first-time dad, is struggling to work amidst the danger and deprivation of modern, lawless Iraq -- from the lack of medical supplies to personal threats from the police and army.

We hear from an Iraqi army recruit serving with an elite unit in Baghdad. Then there are the teenagers fighting to shape the future outcome of Iraq: Sunni insurgents and the notorious Shia militias. Young men so politicised they are prepared to kill and be killed for a greater cause. Many see no future at all and those that can have chosen to flee abroad to escape the daily violence, kidnappings and killings.

Some 120 journalists and media workers have been killed since March 2003, that's more fatalities than in World War Two or the Vietnam War. The danger in Iraq comes from all sides: the Americans, the sectarian militias and criminal gangs whose kidnappings and killings have flourished in the lawlessness that is modern day Iraq.

This experiential film captures the real and raw reality of the occupation on Iraqi youngsters, the impact of which is largely unknown in the West.

[Al Afghani]

The lost year in Iraq

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In the first weeks after the statue of Saddam Hussein fell, a group of young American bureaucrats led by Ambassador L. Paul Bremer III set off to establish democracy in Iraq. "We had an ambitious goal," Bremer tells FRONTLINE, "to try to bring better government to Iraq and help them rebuild their economy [and] their country." One year later, as Bremer made a secret exit to evade insurgent attacks, the group left behind a thriving insurgency, economic collapse and much of its idealism. "Our grand initiative there [was] to bring democracy to Iraq," says Rajiv Chandrasekaran, former Baghdad bureau chief for The Washington Post. Instead, says Chandrasekaran, "we were leaving with our tail between our legs."

Today, as America looks for an exit strategy, FRONTLINE examines the initial, critical decisions of the U.S.-led regime in Baghdad in The Lost Year in Iraq. From the same team that produced Rumsfeld's War, The Torture Question and The Dark Side, the film is based on more than 30 interviews, most of them with the officials charged with building a new and democratic Iraq.

The Lost Year in Iraq begins on April 9, 2003, as American troops help a crowd of Iraqis topple a statue of Saddam Hussein. In Washington there was celebration, but in Baghdad the looting was beginning. Jay Garner, the retired general picked by Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld to lead reconstruction, was forced to wait in Kuwait for authorization to enter Iraq. He and his team had arrived from Washington without computers, telephones or a plan. "Everybody was focused on the war; they were focused on regime change," Garner tells FRONTLINE. "That took all of their energy. I wasn't the central focus." On the day Garner finally arrived in Baghdad, he received a phone call from Rumsfeld: He was being replaced by L. Paul Bremer.

Bremer, who arrived with sweeping plans to remake the country, had a young and inexperienced team, but his staff had passed a political litmus test in Washington. "It's a children's crusade … of former Republican campaign workers, White House interns [and] Heritage Foundation people," says Thomas Ricks of The Washington Post. Col. T.X. Hammes, a counterinsurgency expert and adviser to Iraq's Interior Ministry, felt Bremer's staff could have been better trained. "We had so many of these very, very young people that are dedicated Americans, brave enough to take a chance and go into Iraq to try to do something right for their country," he tells FRONTLINE. "But [they] didn't get any training; they have no background. … And yet we put them in charge of planning at [the] national level."

Bremer surprised many in the Bush administration and the American military with far-reaching decrees that disbanded the Iraqi military and purged former Baathists from government employment. But as the insurgency grew, the administration lost confidence in Bremer and his plan for democratizing the country. Bremer was instructed to abandon his multi-year plan and transfer sovereignty as quickly as possible.

"I think the situation on the ground was certainly worse than I had been led to expect, particularly the state of the Iraq economy," Bremer says. "I don't think anybody in our government realized how much damage Saddam and the Baathists had done over the previous 30 years. So to some degree, it's true that we just didn't know how complicated it was going to be."

As Bremer's year in Iraq drew to a close, a blueprint for democratic elections had been put in place. At the same time the insurgency was exploding, shocking photographs had surfaced from Abu Ghraib; American and Iraqi forces had failed to put down a Sunni uprising in Fallujah; and a Shiite militia led by Moqtada al-Sadr was flexing its muscles. During his final hours on the ground, Bremer presided over the handoff of sovereignty to the Iraqi interim government and then publicly boarded a C-130 transport. Afterward, in secret, he switched to a smaller plane that would safely carry him out of the country.

"The Iraqi people were, if not the enthusiastic, liberated populace that some of us had anticipated, were at least open-minded, and, on balance, prepared to work with the United States," says James Dobbins, the administration's former special envoy to Afghanistan and adviser to the Defense Department. "And that has largely been lost, and was largely lost over that first year."

[Al Afghani]

Iraq War: Insurgency and Counterinsurgency

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The first year and a half of fighting the Iraqi insurgency was a failure, plain and simple. HARDCORE HISTORY draws on the experiences of front-line combatants and those who have examined the changing structure of the conflict to see what has happened since.

A new strategy began to emerge at the end of 2004 when commanders consulted counterinsurgency experts and reviewed successful counterinsurgencies in history. Now, the top priority is to handover the fight to Iraqis by training and advising them in the field. Among those who would take over are the Iraqi Special Police Commandos, a tough paramilitary force which has been very effective, but, many say, at the expense of human rights. Through in-depth examinations of operations in in Mosul, Samara, Baghdad, and Tal Afar, HARDCORE HISTORY reveals the new contours of the ongoing conflict.

[Al Afghani]

Mission Accomplished
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Shocking, honest, brave and an amazing eye-opener. Watch this movie if you really want to know what's happening in Iraq. Shows both sides of the story about the insurgency war that you won't see on TV. Critical of US policy, but sympathetic to the American soldiers on the ground. Historical movie.

Run Time - 89 Minutes
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[Al Afghani]

Shadow Company

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In 2004 I watched 4 gruesome charred bodies hanging from a bridge in Fallujah and assumed - like many others - that these were soldiers caught in the wrong place at the wrong time. After discovering these men were in fact “private security contractors”, I became determined to in find out everything I could about this previously secretive world of military contracts and contractors.

A close lawyer friend from university gave up his job in a prestigious law firm to become one of these soldiers for hire. I discussed this decision with him at length and I found myself wanting to understand, not only what kind of people these men are, but what motivates them to put their lives in harms way on a daily basis. And how exactly did 20,000 of them come to be stationed in Iraq? While there were articles, books and news reports that touched on policy, history, and specific conflicts over the past 20 years, there was very little investigation of who becomes a private soldier today.

We traveled the world - from Iraq to Washington, from England to Sierra Leone - talking to politicians, journalists, soldiers and contractors themselves. While exploring the blurred lines between soldier and mercenary in today’s conflict resolution, it became clear: The Rules of War Have Changed. The modern US army cannot go to war, cannot even have dinner without these civilian contractors and their role is unlikely to go away any time soon. War is more and more in the public eye and yet held more and more in private hands. This sort of trend without the right legal framework and more open business practices has dire implications. It is vital for the general public to better understand the risks and rewards of operating this way - Nick Bicanic

[Al Afghani]

Iraq for Sale: The War Profiteers 2006

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"RIVETING, POWERFUL" "BLEW MY MIND"

Acclaimed director Robert Greenwald (Wal-Mart: The High Cost of Low Price, Outfoxed, and Uncovered) takes you inside the lives of soldiers, truck drivers, widows and children who have been changed forever as a result of profiteering in the reconstruction of Iraq. Iraq for Sale uncovers the connections between private corporations making a killing in Iraq and the decision makers who allow them to do so.

[Al Afghani]

More to come for all my bros and sisters InshAllah. :up:

[Ibn-e-Muslim]

:jkk: for the links, im downloading 1 atm